Cruz Off Into the Sunset?

The day before the GOP's Nevada Caucus, we have a brand new race (sort of). Of course, Donald Trump is sitting well-positioned to be the party's eventual nominee, and Marco Rubio is rapidly gaining momentum and endorsements to be the top challenger to Trump. That being said, where does that leave Ted Cruz? John Kasich is virtually a non-factor, outside of Michigan and Ohio, and Ben Carson does not even exist in this conversation. Does the TrustTED candidate live in the middle-ground no-man's land? Though the poll numbers have yet to catch up, Cruz is slowly slipping down the ladder and does not have much hope for climbing back up.

Let's peel both sides of this apart a little bit.

Addressing the negative of this argument, Cruz has already won a state, sits in second in the delegate race, and stands to win perhaps dozens more delegates in Texas. He has a substantial funding apparatus between cash-in-hand by the campaign and by Super PACs like 'Keep the Promise'. He's running second in total votes for thus far and even beat out Donald Trump in a national poll in mid-February (run by NBC/Wall St. Journal). This all reads like the making of a top contender for the GOP nomination. On paper, this isn't far from the truth. The Cruz campaign has accomplished some very significant things on paper.

But does this really feel like Ted Cruz is in power here? Arguably, not so much these days.

Cruz has slipped from fighting Trump for first to fighting Rubio for second, with Rubio on the quick ascent up the GOP food chain. Cruz only stands to win one more state in his broader pursuit to the nomination, has shown no signs of growth in his standing, continues to create enemies within the GOP, and has the lowest favorability ratings of the remaining top-tier GOP candidates.

Long story, short, Cruz is running out of capital and may have peaked in Iowa.

Cruz has had been embroiled in what seems to be scandal after scandal, whether it be the 'Voter Violation' notices, Carson campaign suspension rumors, or misleading videos about Marco Rubio. He has been at the center of one of the dirtier primary campaigns run in years, and that's turned so many moderate and independent voters off to him. That is the exact base that Cruz is going to have to appeal to in a general election, and is potentially the most untouchable base for him.

Going forward, as we saw in South Carolina, Cruz has capped in support and is blocked from
avenues to pull in support from other candidates' base. However, both Trump and Rubio have the capability to pull support from Cruz, whether it be the Tea Party base or Evangelicals. So, as Trump maintains his current levels and Rubio continues his 'Marcomentum', we come full-circle to Cruz's sustainability.

If Cruz continues to stay in the race, he will likely find himself running third in the delegate count behind Trump and Rubio by the end of March. This is certainly an unenviable position to find himself in after starting the race off with so much promise. So, to what end does Cruz even staying in the race serve at this point? Of the three top-tier candidates, he is the only one that lacks a meaningful path to the nomination.

Therein lies the rub.

Could the best thing for the GOP be for Cruz to suspend his campaign prior to Super Tuesday? This makes the race a true two-man race and could finally propel a candidate like Rubio over the top against Trump as the anti-Trump alternative. The Rubio camp needs to take a hard look at what it might take to lure Cruz out of the race. Obviously a long shot of epic proportions, but the GOP is otherwise stuck in a rut for the remainder of the primary season.

This rut leads to one of two conclusions: Trump winning the necessary amount of delegates or pushing the race into a brokered convention that best serves Marco Rubio. Regardless of the scenario, Ted Cruz isn't in it, and there is nothing he can do to change that fate at this point.

Of course, Cruz and his supporters value their role as the insurgency against the GOP establishment, and there is no certainty that a good portion of his supporters would even go to an establishment candidate. This then begs the bigger question. While Cruz's camp is hard-pressed to find a victorious scenario, who does his persistent presence in the primary truly benefit?

I believe there is great uncertainty in the fallout of a Cruz suspension, but both the Trump and Rubio campaigns ought to be thinking very hard about courting Ted Cruz, his potential endorsement, and his supporters.

As the dominoes continue to fall, the single greatest wildcard left in the race may actually be Ted Cruz's endurance for the remainder of the primary season. This viewpoint may be well unpopular at the moment, but the long-view shows no good prospects for Ted Cruz, and he simply is not in control of his own destiny.

A Super Election Day Revolt

As messy as things are for the Republican field in the primary election, the Democrats are possibly facing General Election day woes in November. Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders are getting an enormous amount and support from the different corners of the party. I'm not yet comfortable saying that this is an unprecedented amount of enthusiasm (because 2008 was at a fever pitch), but the level of emotion right now is certainly epic.

With the enthusiasm of high emotion comes the decision-making of high emotion, and this emotion that the Democrats have channeled is poised to backfire in November.

As has recently been making the political headlines, Bernie Sanders and supporters are pushing back hard against the current system that pits Clinton far ahead of him in the all-important delegate count for the party's nomination. Of course, it would make sense that with Sanders' narrowest of losses in Iowa and dominance in New Hampshire, that he should be enjoying a comfortable lead going into a South Carolina that he will likely lose by 15+ points. But there's a catch: superdelegates. The superdelegate deficit for Sanders truly has an insurmountable appearance to it.

These superdelegates are essentially un-pledged delegates that are free to support any candidate of their choosing regardless of the outcome of their state's primary. They are most commonly in this role based on status (even former status) as an elected party official or leader, though there are still un-pledged delegates that have not held office and were selected by state party officials.

Here's the situation, before a single Nevada vote is cast and with a surge of momentum propelling Sanders forward he is still behind Clinton by 350 delegates, the great abundance of which are pledged superdelegates. Not to mention, before another single vote is cast, The Hill reports that Clinton has already secured the support of half of the superdelegates in Nevada and South Carolina, furthering her lead before the democratic process can occur.

No doubt an awesome weapon for Clinton to have in her back-pocket as the head-to-head polls show a slimming national lead and significant public backing escalating for Sanders in other earlier primary states. As this race intensifies, this voting block could be the extra power that the Clinton campaign needs to secure the nomination. Of course, superdelegates are not pledged until the nomination, but the unofficially declared support from these individuals is the current political reality.

Herein lies the problem. Let's go back to what I said earlier on here, this is a time of high emotion within the Democratic electorate. Bernie Sanders has built a mega-stable of support among the voters that feel out of touch with the system and those that see a government and 'ruling class' that has abandoned them.

Sanders has built an entire campaign on promising to make things fair again for those that the system is unfair to.

So, what does it mean when (per the last national poll) 42% of the Democratic voters feel that their efforts have been marginalized by an Establishment and its rules that void out their votes and opinions? What would be the expected reaction of a large base of people that so whole-heartedly buy into a message from a politician, in a time when politicians are outcasts, a politician that people finally feels care about them?

I submit to you that the reaction would be a very emotional one and would come in two forms in November.

First, the Sanders supporters could very possibly just decide to vote with their feet as a protest against the entire political machine. Historically, this is one of the most symbolic forms of election day protest and could be the refuge of millions of disenfranchised Democrats. Sanders says it himself. When voter turnout is high and people are energized, Democrats win elections. When the people are demoralized and they do not turn out, Republicans typically win. Now, I can't necessarily speak to how true or not that statement is, but perception is reality. The perceptions then among a demoralized base for Sanders could then very possibly be not to show up in November.

An alternative, albeit exponentially less likely, is that the Sanders supporters opt to take the fight to Clinton and the Democratic Establishment in November and vote for the opposition as a sign of protest. Is this possible, sure. However, I still believe that the party would find a way to unify before this happens, but for an emotional base, this would also be an emotional reaction.

All of this to say, that if you are sitting in a leadership role in the DNC and across State parties, it might be time to consider how superdelegates come into play this early in the process. Sanders supporters are already on fire about how this is perceived to be used against them. Easing this now as a point of tension will likely pay dividends at the ballot box in November. With head to head election polls showing razor thin leads, depending on the match-up, a candidate can't afford to be at a loss for votes that they ought to be able to rely on. If the GOP field gets synchronized against the Democrats, November could prove to be a dark time for the Democrats as the people engage in an Election Day Revolt.

The Counter-Insurgency That Never Was

If it is not abundantly obvious by now, the GOP Establishment is in a world of hurt. We're talking about sprained ACLs in both knees kind of hurt. This could be special kind of hurt. The Establishment is currently at the end of a lifeline with the rope about to be cut as the candidacies of Donald Trump and Ted Cruz surging through the Republican base. 

In short, the RNC has failed its party, and Reince Priebus' lack of leadership keeps the scatter-shot GOP field in a continued state of mayhem. The Establishment candidates have shown no sustained signs of life or true, long-term viability through two primary nights, and they are receiving no support or guidance from the national party. This is, of course, based on the key assumption here that what's good for the Establishment is good for the RNC and vice-versa.

Though we have to ask some key questions. Will an anger-based anti-establishment sentiment be the new normal for the GOP? Is the 'mainstream platform' of the party finally found itself completely out of touch with its base? Is there an ability for the national party to adapt? Is there a will to adapt? 

The Republican insurgency averages about 51% of the national vote with the now remaining four candidates (to include three Establishment candidates) fighting and clawing for some standing. To be fair, anything is still very possible and no single candidate has a true stranglehold on the path to the nomination. Yet, to quote Bane in the Dark Knight Rises, do you feel like you're in control? The mainstream of the party clearly isn't. Traditional things like money and television ad campaigns just aren't amounting to what they used to.

Looking back through the numbers (source: NPR), how frightened must the Establishment be? Traditional campaigning is not working, at least not in Iowa or New Hampshire. Just pointing toward New Hampshire, the four establishment candidates combined for 45% of the vote with total advertising running them an aggregate $2,606 per vote. In contrast, Trump and Cruz combined for 47% of the vote while spending an aggregate $42 per vote. 

Yes, you read that correctly. 

I would love to debate the merits of what that all means, but will possibly leave that to a future post. Right now, I want to focus on the state of the GOP establishment and exactly how much worse it stands to get.

The last week of the Christie campaign and the post-New Hampshire primary exit of the New Jersey governor shook the foundation of this race. Chris Christie arguably has had and may have the most significant impact on the GOP for the entire election cycle. We were very well aware of the Marcomentum that was taking place after the Iowa Caucus; however, a stumble and stall of the Rubio campaign, caused by an assailing Christie at the last GOP debate, changed the questions we asked about the primary. We went from asking if the Establishment can possibly go into cruise control with a surging candidate to wondering if they even have a horse they can back.

Chris Christie, in what has been described as a political murder-suicide, assassinated the Rubio campaign and sent the Establishment cause into a free fall. Christie incorrectly calculated that assailing the rising Rubio would stifle the Senator's progress all while having the impact of setting himself apart from the rest of the Establishment. Instead, he reaped none of the benefits and tossed a softball into the wheelhouse of the GOP insurgency, who knocked it out of the park.

Instead of the Establishment finally having someone to rally around and begin to consolidate support for a long-term campaign, they have a mosh pit filled flailing candidates. To make matters even worse for the Establishment, on MSNBC's 'Morning Joe', Mr. Trump informed Scarborough that Christie called him on Tuesday night and the two of them had a long talk. The broad speculation is that Christie is trying to position himself in the Veep-stakes on the Republican ticket. The governor continues to try to make calculating moves but any potential backing of Mr. Trump will continue to bury the Establishment. That will be a real intriguing story-line to watch play out.

Governor Jeb Bush's camp has made indications of going 'scorched-Earth' on Rubio and Kasich to try and push the other two Establishment candidates out of the race. After observing how that entirely did not work for the Christie campaign, how does this seem like a good idea? If anything, Bush needs to focus on what had been working for Rubio and worked for Kasich in New Hampshire: a positive message. I would submit to you that inner-Establishment desecration will certainly push the insurgency over the top. So why not just try what has worked? If Bush drops out, he hasn't caused any irreparable damage to his Establishment colleagues and the negative campaigning and 'dirty' tactics can be left to Trump and Cruz. That is how you truly set yourself apart in this race. That's what at least shown some signs of working so far. Oh, but there is that wild card still in play, and he goes by W. I suspect he might be making an appearance on the trail sooner than later.

Governor Kasich is unfortunately a one-state wonder. Kasich hit his peak in New Hampshire and was a really nice story on Tuesday night. The shame here is that Kasich is just so darn likeable. He really is. The problem is that he is running a general election campaign during primary season. His more moderate stances on many core GOP issues are simply out of touch with the rest of the party nationally. That will become painfully obvious as the GOP marches through a series of southern primary elections. I suspect he will drop out shortly after the Michigan primary, which is the next one he stands to do somewhat decently on.

Regardless of how you shape this issue, even now, the question is not if but when the GOP Establishment will coalesce around Marco Rubio. He still is showing well nationally and in a variety of other primary state polls. He has time, though not so much, to turn this around. He can finish third and maybe even second in South Carolina, which will get him back on the right track. But he has to perform and his ability to rebound is up in the air and has yet to be truly tested. Signs are showing that he will aim to get back onto a positive message going into South Carolina. It doesn't hurt that he has the endorsement of Senator Tim Scott who is trying to make the case for Rubio to the South Carolina electorate.

Ultimately, the RNC does not yet have faith in the general election viability of the three remaining Establishment candidates. Their inability to manage this race before it really got started put the GOP and perhaps the balance of the country on a very tenuous track. Better management of the field and an understanding of the dynamics within the GOP base and broader electorate could mean a very different story for all candidates still involved. However, the longer the GOP powers that be stall and the more that they want to appease the insurgency, the bleaker that the chances for this counter-insurgency becomes.

The mainstream and RNC is failing half of its electorate right now. The Party's cold relationship with Trump and Cruz is pretty well known by now, and they're still without a true alternative that can take back the GOP's course. 

If the national party is actually interested in stopping Trump or Cruz (and this is a very legitimate 'if'), time is slipping for creating a strong counter-insurgency. As it stands going into South Carolina, this is still the counter-insurgency that never was.